· Public charity
Chicago Federation of Labor and Industrial Union Council
Labor council
What you funded, over time
By grantee IRS cause code (NTEE).
A cause breakdown isn’t shown here: 50% of CHICAGO FEDERATION OF LABOR AND INDUSTRIAL UNION COUNCIL’s grantee dollars fall outside its nine largest cause areas, whether because the recipient carries no IRS cause code or because its cause sits in the long tail. A chart would be mostly one residual band and misrepresent the portfolio.
Where the money goes
Your grants by size, and where they go.
The 3 grants below total $27,500 — the rows itemised in this filing. The $92,560 headline is the total grant expense reported on the return, so the remaining $65,060 is giving the schedule does not break out: grants under the $5,000 itemisation floor, grants to individuals, and grants reported on other schedules. Every figure below describes the itemised rows only.
By grant size · FY2024
- Under $10k1 grant · $8k
- $10k–50k2 grants · $20k
| Recipient | Amount |
|---|---|
| DEVELOPMENT NOW FOR CHICAGO | $10,000 |
| ILLINOIS PRODUCTION ALLIANCE NFP | $10,000 |
| ST PATRICKS DAY COMMITTEE OF CHICAGO | $7,500 |
Do your dollars go where the need is?
Each grant placed by the hardship in its grantee’s ZIP, then read against the area’s typical level.
Dollar for dollar, your grants (FY17–24) land where the poverty rate runs at 14%, against an area that typically sits at 12%. 94% of your dollars go to grantees based in above-average-need neighborhoods. Most of your grants land in higher-need ZIPs.
Matched: human-services grants are those whose grantee’s IRS cause code is Human Services. Placed by people below the poverty linein the grantee’s ZIP, averaged from the tracts in that ZIP; grantee ZIP can differ from where services are delivered.
US grants placed by each grantee’s ZIP, which can differ from where services are actually delivered. Need from public data — U.S. Census/ACS, CDC PLACES, Eviction Lab, USDA — shown as context about the area, never attributed to your giving.
Who you back again
Which organizations you funded more than once, and which you funded a single time. Each grantee is matched to its own filings.
And the relationships you keep tend to grow: grantees you re-up on have seen median revenue of +48% since the first grant, against 0% for the ones you funded once.
12 repeat relationships — 1 still active in FY2024, 11 since wound down; 2 grantees were first funded in FY2024 (too recent to call).
How the two cohorts compare
Organizations
Total granted
Median revenue growth · since first grant
Still filing today
New vs renewed · share of each year
In FY2024, 27% of grant dollars renewed an existing relationship; $20k went to new ones.
Where new relationships form · theme of each grantee’s first grant
First-time = a grantee’s first year in your filing window; renewed = funded in an earlier year too. As a portfolio matures the renewed share naturally climbs — once funded, an org stays “renewable” — so the signal is the years that buck it (a new-grantee intake wave). The earliest year is left-censored: relationships that predate the data read as “new.” Theme is the grantee’s IRS cause.
Backed again, and grew
- IIIllinois Institute of Technology4× · 2017–2022 · $100k · revenue +27%
- CLCONCUSSION LEGACY FOUNDATION INC2× · 2020–2022 · $30k · revenue +147%
- IEILLINOIS ECONOMIC POLICY INSTITUTE3× · 2019–2022 · $29k · revenue +79%
Funded once
- WAWORKING AMERICAgraduatedone grant, 2018 · $50k · revenue +364%
- CFCHICAGO FOR THE PEOPLEone grant, 2023 · $50k
- JIJB Inauguration Committee 2023one grant, 2023 · $25k
Repeat = funded in two or more distinct years; growth and survival are read from each grantee’s own subsequent IRS filings.
The map has a center of gravity: the average direction from the rest of the sector toward the organizations the foundation funds — the shape of its giving. Scoring every nonprofit along that direction surfaces the ones that look most like the portfolio. These are the closest matchesthat aren’t grantees — a resemblance in what they say they do, not a recommendation.
Labor council
To promote job growth and communicate important issues to the public through information campaigns.
Latino Union works to defend the rights and dignity of contingent workers, including the right to immigrate, work, live free of oppression and violence, and provide for oneself and one's family.
The illinois business alliance is a nonprofit, member-driven business league that exists to improve illinois' business climate and promote the common economic interests of its members.
To promote unity of action in dealing with employers and to coordinate and consolidate the activities of its various affiliated local unions so they can work in a harmonious and united way.
Strengthen United Way movement in Illinois
Promote political responsibilities through informed and active participation in government and to act on selected governmental issues. the league shall not support or oppose any political party or any candidate.
Organize workers for advancement
See schedule o.the union league club of chicago (the "club") provides a unique opportunity for its members to participate as a leader in promoting civic, philanthropic and cultural matters of common interest. our offerings focus on…
Advocate for tort reform in Illinois by communicating with public officials and staff to influence legislation and administrative action designed to create a more equitable and balanced judicial system in Illinois.
For reference, the grantee most central to the portfolio’s shape is Equality Illinois Institute and the most unlike its peers is Friends of Labor. Resemblance is measured on each organization’s own IRS 990 mission text; it reflects how work is described, not its quality or impact.
Your grantees are a median of 17 years old; the field is 18. You back the younger end — and your money leans older still.
The field is 20% startups (under 5 years old) — 16% of your grantees by number, and just 7% of your money.
The orgs you fund almost never close — 9% lost their exemption, against 15% of the field you don’t fund.
Age = years since IRS exemption (a founding proxy). “Closed” = auto-revocation for 3 years of non-filing — a floor on closure, not proof, and bigger established orgs lapse least. Association, not causation.
28 grantees tracked through their own filings, 2017–2025.
Each one resolved to its own IRS returns and tracked year by year — your grant beside their revenue from every source. Association, dated; never a causal claim.
Counted here: distinct organizations you funded across 2017–2025, not grant rows in a single year — so this will not match the grant count on the cover. 28 of the 32 grantees resolved in that span have returns of their own we could reconcile; the rest are funded organizations whose filings we could not track year by year.
Where your money sits — by cause, then by grantee
Each org by its size and your share of it — top-left is where you’re load-bearing
Go grantee by grantee — a decade per org, and how each moved after you funded them
A decade per grantee — revenue shaded, your grants as bars, all rows on one timeline.
- Who funds Illinois Institute of Technology ↗
- Who funds WORKING AMERICA ↗
- Who funds CONCUSSION LEGACY FOUNDATION INC ↗
- Who funds UNITED WAY OF METROPOLITAN CHICAGO INC ↗
- Who funds ILLINOIS ECONOMIC POLICY INSTITUTE ↗
- Who funds SWEENEY CLASSIC ↗
- Who funds SPECIAL OLYMPICS ILLINOIS ↗
- Who funds JB Inauguration Committee 2023 ↗
- Who funds NAVY PIER INC ↗
- Who funds CIVIC CONSULTING ALLIANCE ↗
- Who funds LABOR COUNCIL FOR LATIN AMERICAN ADVANCEMENT ↗
- Who funds ANTI-HARASSMENT EQUALITY & ACCESS PANEL ↗
- Who funds ST PATRICKS DAY PARADE COMM OF CHICAGO co James Coyne President ↗
- Who funds UNION SPORTSMEN'S ALLIANCE ↗
- Who funds IRISH FELLOWSHIP CLUB OF CHICAGO ↗
- Who funds CHICAGO JOBS WITH JUSTICE ↗
- Who funds MENTAL HEALTH LEADERSHIP INITIATIVE INC ↗
- Who funds METROPOLITAN PLANNING COUNCIL ↗
- Who funds ILLINOIS PRODUCTION ALLIANCE NFP ↗
- Who funds EQUALITY ILLINOIS INSTITUTE ↗
- Who funds FARM LABOR ORGANIZING COMMITTEE ↗
- Who funds DEVELOPMENT NOW FOR CHICAGO ↗
- Who funds We March On Chicago ↗
- Who funds PATHWAY TO ADVENTURE COUNCIL INC BOY SCOUTS OF AMERICA ↗
- Who funds CHICAGO DEFENDER CHARITIES INC ↗
- Who funds AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS ↗
- Who funds ILLINOIS LABOR HISTORY SOCIETY ↗
- Who funds FRIENDS OF LABOR ↗
The grantmakers whose grantees overlap with yours far more than size alone predicts. Each orbits closer the stronger the alignment; the arcs between them show where they also fund each other. Here it reads as a tightly interlocked camp — most of these funders back each other's grantees too.
Open a dossier: Service Employees International Illinois Council · Int'L Brotherhood of Teamsters Local Union No 727 · International Union of Operating Engineers Local No 399 · Mid-America Carpenters Regional Council · The Chicago Community Trust · Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund · Amazonsmile Foundation
Affinity is a Gamma-Poisson posterior co-funding rate, re-centered on the typical rate, so thin evidence shrinks toward no signal. A research starting point: overlap is association, not proof of shared intent.
Government reliance of your grantees
Every dot is one organization Chicago Federation of Labor and Industrial Union Council funds. Left–right is the share of its income from government; up–down is the share from you. Bigger dots raise more. Filter to federal or a single department — and drag the year to watch it move.
Government income is each org’s traced federal awards (USASpending — grants and contracts) plus state payments (open checkbooks) as a share of its total revenue (IRS Form 990); the self-reported government-grant line (990 line 1e) is carried for cross-check: a grantee that reports government grants we could not trace to a source is left off the chart rather than shown as receiving none. An association, not a claim that your grant caused the public funding. Coverage is precision-first — a floor, not a census; state records exist for 9 states, so a grantee outside them shows no state figure (dimmed) rather than a false zero. Federal award amounts are obligations, which can span years, so a single-year share is indicative. 990 filings lag 12–24 months.