· Public charity
NetChoice
to make the internet safe for free enterprise and free expression though policy advocacy in the states, the federal government, and the nation's courts
What you funded, over time
Every grant placed by its stated purpose and the recipient’s mission, by year — across FY2020–2024.
Where the money goes
Your grants by size, and where they go.
By grant size · FY2024
- Under $10k1 grant · $8k
- $10k–50k18 grants · $473k
- $50k–250k9 grants · $930k
- $250k+2 grants · $945k
| Recipient | Amount |
|---|---|
| Patiot Voices | $580,000 |
| Tech Freedom | $365,000 |
| Committee to Unleash Prosp | $185,000 |
| Competitive Enterprise Ins | $125,000 |
| Internet Ed Foundation | $100,000 |
| Antitrust Education Projec | $100,000 |
| American Enterprise Instit | $100,000 |
| Phoenix Center for Adv | $90,000 |
| James Madison Institute | $90,000 |
| Young Voices | $75,000 |
| Pelican Institute for Publ | $65,000 |
| American Consumer Institut | $45,000 |
| National Taxpayers Union | $40,000 |
| Taxpayers Protection Allia | $40,000 |
| Libertas Institute | $35,000 |
Do your dollars go where the need is?
Each grant placed by the hardship in its grantee’s ZIP, then read against the area’s typical level.
Your human-services grants (FY24–24, $580k) land where the poverty rate runs at 6%, against an area that typically sits at 10%. 0% of those dollars go to grantees based in above-average-need neighborhoods. Your grants skew toward lower-need ZIPs.
Matched: human-services grants are those whose grantee’s IRS cause code is Human Services. Placed by people below the poverty linein the grantee’s ZIP, averaged from the tracts in that ZIP; grantee ZIP can differ from where services are delivered.
Which US states your grants reach
US grants placed by each grantee’s ZIP, which can differ from where services are actually delivered. Need from public data — U.S. Census/ACS, CDC PLACES, Eviction Lab, USDA — shown as context about the area, never attributed to your giving.
Who you back again
Which organizations you funded more than once, and which you funded a single time. Each grantee is matched to its own filings.
29 repeat relationships — 25 still active in FY2024, 4 since wound down; 5 grantees were first funded in FY2024 (too recent to call).
How the two cohorts compare
Organizations
Total granted
Median revenue growth · since first grant
Still filing today
New vs renewed · share of each year
In FY2024, 69% of grant dollars renewed an existing relationship; $733k went to new ones.
Where new relationships form · theme of each grantee’s first grant
First-time = a grantee’s first year in your filing window; renewed = funded in an earlier year too. As a portfolio matures the renewed share naturally climbs — once funded, an org stays “renewable” — so the signal is the years that buck it (a new-grantee intake wave). The earliest year is left-censored: relationships that predate the data read as “new.” Theme is the grantee’s IRS cause.
Backed again, and grew
- UPUNLEASH PROSPERITY INC3× · 2022–2024 · $335k · revenue +108%
- CECOMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE2× · 2023–2024 · $225k · revenue +27%
- PIPELICAN INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY4× · 2021–2024 · $200k · revenue +51%
Funded once
- IAIntegrity Action Fundone grant, 2021 · $1.2M
- SCSTOP CHILD PREDATORS PARTNERSHIPgraduatedone grant, 2023 · $210k · revenue +49%
- AIAssoc Industries of FLone grant, 2022 · $205k
Repeat = funded in two or more distinct years; growth and survival are read from each grantee’s own subsequent IRS filings.
The map has a center of gravity: the average direction from the rest of the sector toward the organizations the foundation funds — the shape of its giving. Scoring every nonprofit along that direction surfaces the ones that look most like the portfolio. These are the closest matchesthat aren’t grantees — a resemblance in what they say they do, not a recommendation.
Disseminate information and education about pertinent economic, social and governmental topics, via print, web and other media to educate the public about the principles of LIbertarianism.
To educate the public on constitutional issues and public policy matters. We are dedicated to the principles of individual liberty, peace through strength, limited government, free enterprise, and the values embodied in the Declaration of…
The open markets institute works to help people relearn how to use competition policy to build stronger democracies, more just and equitable societies, more innovative and sustainable economies, and a more secure and peaceful world.
To educate journalists and the public, and foster public debate, about improving political journalism to reflect public needs and hold the powerful accountable.
Research and education of United Nations activities
The manhattan institute is a community of scholars, journalists, activists, and civic leaders dedicated to advancing opportunity, individual liberty, and the rule of law in america and its great cities.
To promote the ideals of free market economics, individual liberty, and limited government through the conduct of public opinion research.
For reference, the grantee most central to the portfolio’s shape is Competitive Enterprise Institute and the most unlike its peers is Technology Policy Institute. Resemblance is measured on each organization’s own IRS 990 mission text; it reflects how work is described, not its quality or impact.
Your grantees are a median of 26 years old; the field is 16. You back the established end — and your money leans older still.
The field is 22% startups (under 5 years old) — 3% of your grantees by number, and just 1% of your money.
The orgs you fund almost never close — 5% lost their exemption, against 13% of the field you don’t fund.
Age = years since IRS exemption (a founding proxy). “Closed” = auto-revocation for 3 years of non-filing — a floor on closure, not proof, and bigger established orgs lapse least. Association, not causation.
38 grantees tracked through their own filings, 2017–2025.
Each one resolved to its own IRS returns and tracked year by year — your grant beside their revenue from every source. Association, dated; never a causal claim.
Counted here: distinct organizations you funded across 2017–2025, not grant rows in a single year — so this will not match the grant count on the cover. 38 of the 64 grantees resolved in that span have returns of their own we could reconcile; the rest are funded organizations whose filings we could not track year by year.
Where your money sits — by cause, then by grantee
Each org by its size and your share of it — top-left is where you’re load-bearing
Go grantee by grantee — a decade per org, and how each moved after you funded them
A decade per grantee — revenue shaded, your grants as bars, all rows on one timeline.
- Who funds 45COMMITTEE INC ↗
- Who funds TECHFREEDOM ↗
- Who funds PATRIOT VOICES INC ↗
- Who funds UNLEASH PROSPERITY INC ↗
- Who funds COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE ↗
- Who funds STOP CHILD PREDATORS PARTNERSHIP ↗
- Who funds PELICAN INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY ↗
- Who funds THE JAMES MADISON INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY STUDIES INC ↗
- Who funds PHOENIX CENTER FOR ADVANCED LEGAL & ECONOMIC PUBLIC POLICY STUDIES INC ↗
- Who funds AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH ↗
- Who funds JEFFERSONIAN PROJECT ↗
- Who funds THE REASON FOUNDATION ↗
- Who funds INTERNET EDUCATION FOUNDATION ↗
- Who funds Young Voices ↗
- Who funds Libertas Network ↗
- Who funds THE TAXPAYERS PROTECTION ALLIANCE ↗
- Who funds CITIZENS AGAINST GOVERNMENT WASTE ↗
- Who funds American Consumer Institute Center for Citizen Research ↗
- Who funds NATIONAL TAXPAYERS UNION ↗
- Who funds TECHNOLOGY POLICY INSTITUTE ↗
- Who funds PROTECT THE FIRST FOUNDATION ↗
- Who funds BARRY GOLDWATER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH ↗
- Who funds CONSUMER CHOICE CENTER ↗
- Who funds MOUNTAIN STATES POLICY CENTER INC ↗
- Who funds AMERICAN ACTION FORUM INC ↗
- Who funds TAX FOUNDATION ↗
- Who funds BEACON CENTER OF TENNESSEE ↗
- Who funds OKLAHOMA COUNCIL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS INC ↗
- Who funds Palmetto Promise Institute ↗
The grantmakers whose grantees overlap with yours far more than size alone predicts. Each orbits closer the stronger the alignment; the arcs between them show where they also fund each other. Here it reads as a tightly interlocked camp — most of these funders back each other's grantees too.
Open a dossier: Charles Koch Institute · The Seminar Network Inc · Donors Trust Inc · Ncta - the Internet & Television Association · Adolph Coors Foundation · The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation Inc · Charles Koch Foundation · State Policy Network · Mywirelessorg · Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America · The Roe Foundation · Motion Picture Association Inc
Affinity is a Gamma-Poisson posterior co-funding rate, re-centered on the typical rate, so thin evidence shrinks toward no signal. A research starting point: overlap is association, not proof of shared intent.
Government reliance of your grantees
Every dot is one organization NetChoice funds. Left–right is the share of its income from government; up–down is the share from you. Bigger dots raise more. Filter to federal or a single department — and drag the year to watch it move.
Government income is each org’s traced federal awards (USASpending — grants and contracts) plus state payments (open checkbooks) as a share of its total revenue (IRS Form 990); the self-reported government-grant line (990 line 1e) is carried for cross-check: a grantee that reports government grants we could not trace to a source is left off the chart rather than shown as receiving none. An association, not a claim that your grant caused the public funding. Coverage is precision-first — a floor, not a census; state records exist for 9 states, so a grantee outside them shows no state figure (dimmed) rather than a false zero. Federal award amounts are obligations, which can span years, so a single-year share is indicative. 990 filings lag 12–24 months.
Warm introductions · Powered by PlinthPlus
How do I get to NetChoice?
Find your warmest path to NetChoice through trustees and officers whose names appear on both boards. Search for your organization and Plinth traces the shortest route it can evidence.
Each link is a name appearing on two organizations’ public IRS 990 filings, matched on that name and, where the filings support it, on location. A same-state match has geographic support, which is a second matching feature rather than confirmation that the two are one person; a cross-state one is the likeliest to be two people who share a name. Every hop shows its tier, low-confidence and distant paths are held back rather than guessed, and it is worth confirming the person before you use the introduction.