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· Public charity

New Jersey Bankers Association

The New Jersey Bankers Association is an advocate for the new jersey banking industry.

$349k
Granted FY2025still arriving
19
Grants FY2025still arriving
1
States reached
$11k
Largest
01What it funds
0186% classified

What it funded, over time

Every grant placed by its stated purpose and the recipient’s mission, by year, FY2022 to 2025.

Public Benefit$232kPhilanthropy$24kOther$0
02FY2025 · 19 grants

Where the money goes

Grants by size, and the largest recipients.

How this is measured
The 19 grants below total $134,300, the rows itemized in this filing. The $348,895 headline is the total grant expense on the return; the other $214,595 is giving the schedule does not break out (grants under the $5,000 itemization floor, grants to individuals, grants on other schedules). Every figure below describes the itemized rows only.

By grant size · FY2025

  • Under $10k16 grants · $103k
  • $10k–50k3 grants · $31k
$5,800
Median grant
1
States reached
$6.1M
Total assets
Largest grants
RecipientAmount
BARLAS ELECTION FUND$11,000
DiMaio for Assembly$10,000
EFO Christopher P DePhillips$10,000
GUARDIAN & SWIFT FOR ASSEMBLY$9,100
Gabe Rodriguez for Assembly$9,000
MICHELE MATSIKOUDIS FOR ASSEMBLY$8,500
Vicky Flynn for NJ Assembly$8,000
MUNOZ FOR ASSEMBLY$7,000
CLIFTON FOR ASSEMBLY$7,000
Individual grant recipient$5,800
MIKIE SHERRILL FOR GOVERNOR$5,800
Individual grant recipient$5,500
EFO LOUIS D GREENWALD FOR ASSEMBLY$5,500
FREIMAN FOR ASSEMBLY$5,500
CTE BRITNEE TIMBERLAKE TO SENATE$5,500
02The need
03

Does the money reach high-need areas?

Each grant placed by the hardship in its grantee’s ZIP, against the area’s typical level.

show:

Dollar for dollar, its grants (FY22–25) land where the poverty rate runs at 10%, against an area that typically sits at 7%. 65% of its dollars go to grantees based in above-average-need neighborhoods. Most of its grants land in higher-need ZIPs.

area typical 7%Ciattarelli for Governor: $6k → 4%FREIMAN FOR ASSEMBLY: $6k → 5%GOPAL FOR SENATE: $6k → 6%EFO TROY SINGLETON FOR NJ SENATE: $10k → 7%EFO Christopher P DePhillips: $10k → 7%DiMaio for Assembly: $10k → 7%CLIFTON FOR ASSEMBLY: $7k → 8%MICHELE MATSIKOUDIS FOR ASSEMBLY: $9k → 10%MUNOZ FOR ASSEMBLY: $7k → 11%GUARDIAN & SWIFT FOR ASSEMBLY: $9k → 11%EFO LOUIS D GREENWALD FOR ASSEMBLY: $6k → 12%EFO CORRADO FOR SENATE: $5k → 12%BRIAN P STACK FOR SENATE: $7k → 14%BARLAS ELECTION FUND: $11k → 16%FREIMAN FOR ASSEMBLY: $10k → 5%AUTH FOR ASSEMBLY: $6k → 7%DIMAIO FOR ASSEMBLY: $6k → 7%CLIFTON FOR ASSEMBLY: $6k → 8%NEW JERSEY BANKERS CHARITABLE FOUNDATION INC: $24k → 10%SEAN KEAN FOR ASSEMBLY: $5k → 11%POLISTINA GUARDIAN SWIFT: $6k → 11%EFO CORRADO FOR SENATE: $5k → 12%RENEE BURGESS FOR SENATE: $7k → 16%Gabe Rodriguez for Assembly: $9k → 7%EFO CRAIG COUGHLIN: $10k → 8%ABA VOTER EDUCATION: $10k → 10%SCHAER FOR ASSEMBLY: $10k → 12%MIKIE SHERRILL FOR GOVERNOR: $6k → 16%JOHNSON FOR SENATE: $5k → 7%SCUTARI FOR SENATE: $10k → 10%SCHAER FOR ASSEMBLY: $6k → 12%EFO YVONNE LOPEZ: $5k → 7%0%20%40%50%more need →
grant to an above-average-need area below average· circle size = grant amount
How this is measured
Matched: human-services grants are those whose grantee’s IRS cause code is Human Services. Placed by people below the poverty line in the grantee’s ZIP, averaged from the tracts in that ZIP.
How this is measured
US grants placed by each grantee’s ZIP, which can differ from where services are delivered. Need from public data (U.S. Census/ACS, CDC PLACES, Eviction Lab, USDA), shown as context about the area, never attributed to the funder’s giving.
03Its grantees
repeat funding

Who it funds again

Organizations funded in more than one year, against those funded once.

24%of every dollar goes to organizations it has funded before.
$71k · 5 repeat orgs$222k to everyone else

5 repeat relationships: 5 still active in FY2025, 0 since wound down; 14 grantees were first funded in FY2025 (too recent to call).

How the two cohorts compare

Re-uppedFunded once

Organizations

5
13

Total granted

$71k
$121k

Still filing today

0%
8%

New vs renewed · share of each year

In FY2025, 25% of grant dollars renewed an existing relationship; $101k went to new ones.

50%100%’22’24’25
RenewedFirst-time
How this is measured
First-time means a grantee’s first year in the filing window; renewed means funded in an earlier year too. The renewed share climbs naturally as a portfolio matures, so the signal is a year that bucks it (a wave of new grantees). The earliest year is left-censored: relationships that predate the data read as new. Theme is the grantee’s IRS cause.

Backed again, and grew

  • DF
    DiMaio for Assembly
    2× · 2024–2025 · $16k
  • FF
    FREIMAN FOR ASSEMBLY
    2× · 2024–2025 · $16k
  • SF
    SCHAER FOR ASSEMBLY
    2× · 2024–2025 · $16k

Funded once

  • NJ
    New Jersey Bankers Charitable Foundation Inc
    one grant, 2022 · $24k · revenue -92% · 39% of their budget
  • IG
    Individual grant recipient
    one grant, 2024 · $10k
  • EW
    EFO WILLIAM SPEARMAN FOR ASSEMBLY
    one grant, 2024 · $10k
How this is measured

Repeat means funded in two or more distinct years. Growth and survival are read from each grantee’s own subsequent IRS filings.

04Its field
04the grantee network

1 grantees tracked through their own filings, 2018–2025.

Each grant beside the grantee’s revenue from every source, year by year.

How this is measured

Counted here: distinct organizations funded across 2018 to 2025, not grant rows in a single year, so this will not match the grant count on the cover. 1 of the 32 grantees resolved in that span have returns of their own we could reconcile.

Each grantee is resolved to its own IRS returns. Association, dated; never a causal claim.

1
Load-bearing (≥25% of a budget)
0
Early backer (in before they grew)
1/1
Grantees still filing
0/1
Grew since first funded

Where the money sits, by cause and then by grantee

DiMaio for Assembly: $16,000 · OtherDiMaio for AssemblyFREIMAN FOR ASSEMBLY: $15,900 · OtherFREIMAN FOR ASSEMBLYSCHAER FOR ASSEMBLY: $15,700 · OtherSCHAER FOR ASSEMBLYCLIFTON FOR ASSEMBLY: $13,000 · OtherBARLAS ELECTION FUND: $11,000 · OtherEFO CORRADO FOR SENATE: $10,400 · OtherIndividual grant recipient: $10,200 · OtherEFO WILLIAM SPEARMAN FOR ASSEMBLY: $10,200 · OtherEFO TROY SINGLETON FOR NJ SENATE: $10,200 · OtherEFO Christopher P DePhillips: $10,000 · OtherIndividual grant recipient: $10,000 · OtherEFO SENATOR NILSA CRUZ-PEREZ: $9,700 · OtherEFO CRAIG COUGHLIN: $9,500 · OtherGUARDIAN & SWIFT FOR ASSEMBLY: $9,100 · OtherGabe Rodriguez for Assembly: $9,000 · Other+16 more: $99,500 · Other+16 moreNew Jersey Bankers Charitable Foundation Inc: $24,056 · EducationNew Jerse…
Other$269,400Education$24,056

Each grantee by its size and the funder’s share of it; top left is load-bearing

25%50%75%100%grantee revenue →↑ funder's share of their budgetNew Jersey Bankers Charitable Foundation Inc: $24,056 over 1y, 39% of budget
Grantee by grantee: a decade per organization, before and after funding

A decade per grantee: revenue shaded, grants as bars, all rows on one timeline.

  • Who funds New Jersey Bankers Charitable Foundation Inc ↗

How much its grantees rely on government

Each dot is one organization New Jersey Bankers Association funds: left to right is the share of its income from government, bottom to top the share from New Jersey Bankers Association. Bigger dots raise more.

2024
’20’21’22’23’24
no gov · 10%3%10%23%40%funder's share of their income ↑0%1%3%4%5%share of the org’s income from government →
    no gov moneyreceives it· size = income
    1get no government money at all
    0rely on government for over half their income
    ⤢ axis zoomed · 0–5%
    typical government reliance, FY20–24
    How this is measured
    Government income is each org’s traced federal awards (USASpending grants and contracts) plus state payments (open checkbooks) as a share of its total revenue (IRS Form 990); the self-reported government-grant line (990 line 1e) is carried for cross-check: a grantee that reports government grants we could not trace to a source is left off the chart rather than shown as receiving none. An association, not a claim that a grant caused the public funding. Coverage is precision-first, a floor rather than a census; state records exist for 9 states, so a grantee outside them shows no state figure (dimmed) rather than a false zero. Federal award amounts are obligations, which can span years, so a single-year share is indicative. 990 filings lag 12 to 24 months.

    On method. Every financial figure here is read from IRS e-file XML, the funder’s own 990/990-PF, and from the multi-year returns of the 32 grantees we resolved, each linked to its source. Grantee outcomes are each organization’s own program-service reporting (Form 990, Part III), read as association with funding, never as caused by it. Low-confidence name matches are suppressed rather than guessed. How we build these →

    How this is measured
    Each figure carries one of six labels. Filed is what the funder reported on its return. Official is another government record about an organization, such as a federal award or a charity register, joined by name where no shared identifier exists. Resolved is an identity we worked out where the filing named a recipient without an EIN, kept only above a measured confidence threshold. Computed is arithmetic over those, like themes, portfolio clusters and co-funder strength. Context is a statistic about a place rather than about an organization, which is what the need overlay is: it describes the area a grantee’s address sits in, not where its work lands. Inferred is drawn by a model from text, like the partnerships read out of public news and organization websites. Each is labeled where it appears.

    Generated from the IRS Form 990 e-file return for fiscal year 2025, released 2025. Filings run roughly 12 to 24 months behind; figures are dated accordingly.

    Source object · view filing

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